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A good first step

by Jerónimo Carrera

President, Communist Party of Venezuela
[Translated from Spanish]



The recent meeting in Santiago de Chile of the South American governments, coming together under the name of the Union of South American Countries (UNASUR), is of real significance.
     We can say for certain that the State Department takes a poor view of such meetings, and this explains the forceful statements of its spokesmen—repeated by the fifth-columnists in its service in our countries—to see if they can minimise and sabotage it in every sense.
     For Washington and its Latin agents it is totally unacceptable for us to meet without the presence and supervision of the US government.
     This has been precisely our experience in this America, beginning with the events of almost two hundred years ago, when Simón Bolívar, then president of Gran Colombia (now Colombia, Venezuela, Ecuador, and Panamá), proposed a conference in Panamá of the Spanish-speaking nations, which had recently liberated themselves from Spanish rule. Naturally they excluded the so-called United States “of America,” which already considered itself to have a “manifest destiny”—that is, destined to be masters of the whole continent.
     As is now generally known, the United States succeeded, with the help of England, in 1826 in frustrating the project to unite our peoples in a confederal state, and from that moment they declared a political and diplomatic war on Bolívar, until he was finally forced from power in 1830.
     We can affirm that since that episode there has developed a continuous confrontation on our continent between these two conceptions, the Bolivarian and the Monrovian, that is to say, between a unity based on the existence of two grand blocs on the continent and the other a type of unity on the basis of the hegemony of the northern bloc.
     Monrovianism, or the pan-American thesis, achieved a certain success in the nineteenth century with the Monroe doctrine, which was nominally opposed to interference from European powers. But these thirteen poor Anglo-Saxon colonies on the remote Atlantic coast had already shown signs of their expansionist vocation, as Bolívar famously recognised, and by the end of the century had become a truly great imperialist power, far more dangerous to us than all the European ones.
     The Organisation of American States, supposedly a regional organisation as foreseen in the United Nations charter, is primarily a direct expression of US hegemony. Nevertheless, Cuba is not a member of that organisation, having been expelled for the grievous crime of daring to make revolutionary changes and declaring itself a socialist country.
     Most disgraceful for us Venezuelans is that the expulsion of this brother-country was proposed by Venezuela. We had for president a puppet of the Yanks, Romulo Betancourt, who, as is usual for a renegade communist, worked in the service of the American monopolies and carried out the orders of Washington.
     This is another reason to justify the proposal—which we have raised in many forums concerning the current foreign policy of Venezuela—that the representatives of Venezuela in the OAS should propose the annulment of the resolution expelling Cuba, and if that is not agreed our proposal is that Venezuela should withdraw from that organisation, as a gesture of solidarity of the Bolivarian Revolution with the Cuban Revolution.
     Finally, even though in reality their resolution on the case of Bolivia is not entirely clear, I believe that the very fact of South American governments meeting without the direct presence of the United States can be seen as a good first step.

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